Avram Iancu and the Romanian Revolution in Transylvania (1848-1849)

((The Memorial House and the portrait painting of Avram Iancu, which at the bottom of his words is "the only longing for my life, being to see my happy nation," you see in Fotos.))
Avram Iancu was the son of a local council, that is, a tax administrator, a local office at that time. The material situation much higher than most of the Romanians allowed them to attend schools in Abrud and Cluj. After he succeeded in Cluj, he was an anchor, that is, a servant subordinated to the protonator, at the King's Table in Târgu Mureş, a superior court in Transylvania. The Chancellor actually followed a period of practice in the judicial system required to prepare the lawyer's exam. At the age of 24, in the spring of 1848, he had already taken the lawyer's exam.

Moderated in terms of freedom of serfdom, radically related to the Romanian political rights
 Avram Iancu remarked on the occasion of the organization of the first Romanian assembly in Blaj on April 30, 1848. His speech was moderate, urging the Romanians to perform their sermons with punctuality until the Transylvanian Diet (a legislature equivalent to the modern parliament) decides to improve the situation of peasants. If he was more reserved for the social transformations promoted by the revolution, Iancu had a firm attitude towards the political rights of the Romanians. He ruled from the start for the call to force, if necessary, for the acquisition of political freedoms. He told a Hungarian official in his father's house: "The Romanian does not claim liberty from the Hungarians, the Romanian nation is strong enough to conquer freedom by fighting" (Documents on the Revolution
from 1848 in the Romanian Lands. C. Transilvania, vol. III, Bucharest, 1982, p. 369).

The Habsburg authorities considered it dangerous
The start of the Hungarian Revolution on March 15 caught him in Târgu Mureş, probably even during the lawyer's exam. At the King's Table there were several Romanian cancellists who made revolutionary statements as did their Hungarian, Szeklers and Saxons. Avram Iancu left the country at the end of March, along with other Romanian cancellers, and was considered by the Habsburg authorities as a possible revolutionary agitator.
At least in the spring of 1848, Iancu did not engage in exciting speeches at Romanian assemblies. Although still an inactive observer in comparison with his other colleagues, he was considered a potential danger by the authorities, probably because of his legal training and his relations with other Romanian leaders.
One thing is certain: the authorities did not like Iancu's presence among the Romanians in the Apuseni Mountains. Some officials insisted that Iancu be recalled to the Royal Table in Târgu Mureş under the pretext of an official assignment. But he had already become a lawyer and was no longer under the authority of the Board.

Iancu's weapon was rifle, not diplomacy
 
In the summer of 1848, in the context in which the Romanians' requests formulated at the Blaj national assembly from 15-17 May were not accepted either by the Transylvanian Diet or by the emperor, the position of the Romanians was radicalized. In the two Romanian military centers in Orlat and Nasaud, troops refused to subordinate to the Hungarian administration, despite the orders from Vienna.Constrained by the military situation, the emperor accepted the union of Transylvania with Hungary and subordinated all the Transylvanian army, including the Romanian regiments, to the new authorities. In the Apuseni Mountains, the military was organized under the leadership of Avram Iancu, becoming the third Romanian power center in Transylvania, along with the border guard regiments.
The difference is that in the case of the regiments there were trained soldiers, while the Apuseni was a popular militia. Between 15-28 September 1848, the third national assembly of the Romanians in Transylvania was held in Blaj. Until then, the Romanian political leaders were noted through political and negotiating statements with the Hungarians and the Austrians. At Blaj in September, the atmosphere was too hot to listen to speeches and speeches in the spirit of diplomacy and negotiation. As Simion Bărnuţiu, a very active radical leader of the Transylvanian Romanians, could hardly survive a Romanian speaker if he had a pacifist speech. In this context, those who have spoken for the armed struggle have come to the fore. Avram Iancu came to Blaj with about 6,000 armed motifs. This is the beginning of Iancu's glory.
in September 1848, in Blaj, the Romanians decided to ally with Austria and fight against the Hungarians to restore the Habsburg authority. Meanwhile, the Imperial House reformed its governing system by accepting a liberal constitution adopted in Vienna. The cause of the alliance with Austria against the Hungarians is
clearly explained by Romanian leaders, even by Avram Iancu: the Hungarians refused political rights for the Romanians, while the Austrian Imperial House recognized the Romanians as a political nation.
The Romanians denounced the unification of Transylvania with Hungary and ruled for the restoration of the Austrian authorities in Transylvania.

Love has no ethnic boundaries
  Iancu's sweetheart was a 14-year-old Hungarian from Abrud, Johanna Farkas, born of a Unity father and a Roman Catholic mother. The girl saved her boyfriend on an ambush of Hungarian troops in Abrud. Avram Iancu's love life during the revolution provides an interesting lesson. The love of Avram Iancu for the Hungarian Johanna is an example of the potential for peaceful cohabitation between the Romanians and the Hungarians in Transylvania. Even if there are disputes, conflicts and even murders between Romanians and Hungarians,
love does not choose on ethnic criteria
The authorities have not stopped monitoring and pursuing its actions with great care, especially because of the potential to provoke public agitation. Upon his death, the Hungarian secret police had clear orders from Budapest to infiltrate among the people who lead him on the last road to pursue the Romanians' mood. They were targeting Romanian political leaders and guests over the Carpathians. The Hungarians were aware of the value of the titan among the Transylvanian Romanians.
Even the deceased, Avram Iancu gave the Hungarians a thrill.
 
The legacy of Avram Iancu - political passivity
 Disappointed by the non-observance of the promises made by the Austrians during the counter-revolution, Iancu did not get involved in political life, although some opportunities emerged for Romanians after 1851.
Abiding in the military organization and good orator, despite his legal training, Iancu did not excel as a politician and diplomat. The political passion of the most active leader of the Transylvanian Romanians in 1848-1849 marked the political choices of the Transylvanian Romanians.